Analysis Based on factual reporting, although it incorporates the expertise of the author/producer and may offer interpretations and conclusions.
The Jan. 6 Insurrection Showed Us the Limits of Polarization
For the first time, the United States has been classified as a 鈥溾 in a by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, an intergovernmental research group.
One key reason the report cites is the among Republicans of of in the 2020 presidential election.
But according to the organization鈥檚 secretary general, perhaps the 鈥渕ost concerning鈥 aspect of American democracy is 鈥.鈥 One year after the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, Americans鈥 perceptions about even the well-documented events of that day are .
Polarization in many of America鈥檚 current . Some warn of an approaching 鈥溾 of irreversible polarization. partisan spectrum.
There are , as I discuss in my book . One isn鈥檛 inherently dangerous; the other can be. And together, they can be extremely destructive of democratic societies.
Two Kinds
Political polarization is the ideological distance between opposed parties. If the differences are large, it can produce logjams, standoffs, and inflexibility in Congress and state and local governments. Though it can be frustrating, political polarization is . It even can be , offering true choices for voters and policymakers alike. Deep-seated disagreement can be healthy for democracy, after all. The clash of opinions can help us find the truth. The clamor of ideological differences among political parties provides citizens with for making political choices.
Belief polarization, also called 鈥,鈥 is different. Interaction with like-minded others transforms people into more . These more extreme selves are also overly confident and therefore more prepared to engage in .
Belief polarization also leads people to embrace more intensely toward people with different views. As they shift toward extremism, they come to primarily in terms of partisanship. Eventually, politics expands beyond policy ideas and into .
But that鈥檚 not all. As I explain in my book, as society sorts into 鈥渓iberal鈥 and 鈥渃onservative鈥 , people grow more invested in between 鈥渦s鈥 and 鈥渢hem.鈥 And as people鈥檚 alliances focus on hostility toward those who disagree, they become more and intolerant of .
People grow less able to , eventually developing into citizens who believe that democracy is possible only when . That is a profoundly antidemocratic stance.
The Polarization Loop
Belief polarization is toxic for citizens鈥 relations with one another. But the large-scale political dysfunction lies in how political and belief polarization work together in a . When the citizenry is divided into two clans that are fixated on animus against the other, politicians have incentives to amplify hostility toward their partisan opponents.
And because the citizenry is , officeholders are released from the usual electoral pressure to advance a . They can gain reelection simply based on their antagonism.
As politicians escalate their rifts, citizens are cued to entrench partisan segregation. This produces additional belief polarization, which in turn rewards political intransigence. All the while, constructive political processes get submerged in the merely symbolic and tribal, while people鈥檚 capacities for erode.
Managing Polarization
Remedies for polarization tend to focus on how it poisons citizens鈥 relations. Surely President Joe Biden was correct to stress in his that Americans need to 鈥渓ower the temperature鈥 and to 鈥渟ee each other not as adversaries but as neighbors.鈥
Still, democracy presupposes political disagreement. As James Madison observed, the U.S. needs democracy precisely because self-governing citizens . The response to polarization cannot involve calls for unanimity or abandoning partisan rivalries. A democracy without political divides is no democracy at all.
The task is to render people鈥檚 political differences more civil, to reestablish the ability to respectfully disagree. But this cannot be accomplished simply by conducting political discussions differently. Research indicates that once people are polarized, exposure to even civil expressions of the other side鈥檚 viewpoint .
This is a case of the crucial difference between prevention and cure. It鈥檚 not enough to pretend polarization hasn鈥檛 happened or to behave as if it鈥檚 a minor concern. In the current situation, even sincere attempts to respectfully engage with the other side .
Yet Americans remain democratic citizens, partners in the shared project of self-government who cannot simply ignore one another.
Polarization is a problem that . It does make relations toxic among political opponents, but it also hurts relations among allies. It escalates conformity within coalitions, shrinking people鈥檚 concepts of what levels of disagreement are tolerable in like-minded groups.
It may be, then, that managing polarization could involve working to counteract conformity by engaging in respectful disagreements with people we see as allies. By taking steps to remember that politics always involves disputation, even among those who vote for the same candidates and affiliate with the same party, Americans may begin to rediscover the ability to respectfully disagree with opponents.
This article was originally published by . It has been republished here under a creative commons license. .
Robert B. Talisse
is a political philosopher focusing on democracy and civic ethics. He has authored over a dozen academic books and more than 100 peer-reviewed articles. In addition, Talisse hosts the podcast Why We Argue, and co-hosts the podcast New Books in Philosophy. Talisse is also a regular contributor to various public philosophy venues such as Aeon, Scientific American Mind, 3 Quarks Daily, 3AM Magazine, Skeptical Inquirer, Free Inquiry, Think, and Institute for Arts and Ideas magazine.
|