Don鈥檛 Let Zionists Weaponize Jewish Suffering

When Nazi Germany barreled into the Eastern Front, they justified their brutality, particularly against Jews, as a prevention against the same kind of barbarism. Communism was considered , with treated as another Jewish plot designed to destroy Western, white nations and persecute their citizenry. The Jewish-Marxist axis was not simply an ideological or political threat; 鈥淛udeo-Bolsheviks,鈥� as Nazi propaganda claimed, were intent on crucifying non-Jewish Europeans.

Jewish Communists to throw innocents into mass graves, to ravage the bodies of hostages, to enact violent revenge. Fascist forces, many assuming an incoming Soviet victory, went to great lengths to ensure that Soviet atrocities were well publicized, even supporting in exhuming bodies killed by Soviets to circulate those monstrosities.

鈥淭he broadly conceived propaganda campaign even distorted events like the as proof that Jews would destroy Germany if they were not destroyed first,鈥� wrote historian Paul Hanebrick in his 2018 book .

Hanebrick chronicles fascist media campaigns that, particularly near the end of the war, were used to justify a 鈥渢otal war鈥� against a Jewish communist threat who they believed was about to enact cruel vengeance on Axis nations. As more Soviet victims were splashed on the front of fascist-aligned newspapers, the insurgent Nazi violence only increased as a defensive weapon to neutralize the potential violent stranglehold the communists (understood largely as a Jewish-led movement) were about to employ on those losing the war: This is what they will do to you unless you do the same to them.

While demonization and dehumanization are , the victims are also often reframed as perpetrators. is common because those who participate often, at least for a time, cannot accept the fact that they鈥檙e the guilty ones.聽

WATCH: Shane Burley on Israel鈥檚 Tactics to Justify Gaza Genocide

During the mass murders of alleged communists in between 1956 and 1966, which saw as many as nearly 3 million people killed by the far-right government, militia leaders appeared on television to brag about finding a more 鈥渆fficient鈥� way to execute communists. , an experimental documentary, featured those now aging political leaders re-enacting their crimes. When the film was released in 2013, viewers were largely shocked by the cognitive dissonance of those original television appearances, which presented exterminations鈥攐ften by acting out murders portrayed in U.S. mafia films鈥攏ot just as admirable but also as essential.

Indonesia鈥檚 far-right government presented the threat of communist subversion in genocidal terms and treated the 鈥渧iolence鈥� of the communists as so severe that a more ethical, state-led violence was the only protection. This is not just a culturally or politically specific process; it is also one that is mirrored in countless conflicts where the dominant party wants to justify their move past moral boundaries by reframing the diminished party as the true transgressor.

As the body count in Gaza rises now above 24,000 and human rights groups around the world use the word 鈥済enocide鈥� to describe the brutal Israeli assault on civilians areas, much of the sympathetic press continues to frame Palestinians as the genociders. British commentator Howard Jacobson, a frequent critic of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, penned an op-ed for that alleges that Palestinians are engaging in an attempted genocide of Jewish people. In a op-ed, Yossi Klein Halevi called the attack on Oct. 7, 2023, a 鈥減re-enactment of Hamas鈥� genocidal vision,鈥� and on Jan. 2, 2024, the published an op-ed that stated 鈥淗amas has made clear in its words and actions that it is committed to the genocide of the Jewish people, whether they live in Israel or not.鈥�

While it should be clear that Hamas can鈥檛 be conflated with the Palestinian people or even broadly defined as the Palestinian 鈥渞esistance,鈥� Israel has not made those distinctions clear. 鈥淭he war is not just with Hamas, the war [is] with all the civilians,鈥� Israeli soldier Btzalel Taljah told in October 2023, a point that went unquestioned. 鈥淚t is an entire nation out there that is responsible,鈥� said that same month, implying it wasn鈥檛 just Hamas that needed to pay for their atrocities, but the Palestinian people as a whole. Israel鈥檚 approach to what is often called 鈥溾€� in Israel, lived up to this framing, using blistering force in civilian areas that has led to an astounding body count in just a matter of months.

The survival of Jewish exclusivity in Israel is always reframed around the survival of Jews, so those seeking to change that are often treated as the genociders amongst us, even as they lose every method of self-sufficiency and survival. Who knows what they would do to us?

The claim that Palestinians intend to commit genocide has been a staple in Israel since long before the Oct. 7 attack. In a chapter in the 1992 book, , Tel Aviv University scholar Irwin Cotler wrote that since early in Hamas鈥� leadership, its core ideology has been not just antisemitic, but genocidally so. While Hamas is certainly a far-right party whose official documents include antisemitic beliefs, much of the claim that Palestinians have genocidal intentions is largely related to the belief that they want to wipe Israel off the map, meaning cease to be as a state just for Jews rather than for all its residents.

However, the same reading has been extended to other Palestinian movements, particularly the BDS movement, which critics say wants to destroy Israel 鈥�from the river to the sea.鈥� This claim displays a particularly important Zionist reconfiguration of Jewish identity: Israel is a Jewish state whose right to exist and capacity as a defensive agent for Jews is based on its ethnically homogenous demography, and therefore any attempts to return it to a pan-ethnic democratic region would be a form of genocide since it would return Jews to the pre-1948 state of precarity. Some are even beginning to reject the notion that human rights are a valid concept if it can be used to indict Israeli behavior. In a December 2023 op-ed for , Israeli scholar Yehuda Mirsky wrote that human rights is now a compromised concept because it鈥檚 unfairly leveled at Israel鈥檚 occupation and dispossession. In a subsequent appearance on the podcast, Mirsky doubled down, stating that what鈥檚 happening in Gaza is a 鈥渉umanitarian crisis鈥� rather than a violation of human rights because Hamas rule is the real human-rights violation.

Since the earliest expulsions of what became known as the nakba, the catastrophe, in 1948 when approximately from their homeland to create the State of Israel, defense was always the justification, even when Zionist writing of that time showed that the expulsions were a self-conscious effort to create the kind of exclusively Jewish enclaves necessary to establish an ethnocratic state.

after the 2005 Israeli disengagement from Gaza, and Israel nearly immediately imposed a blockade around the small strip of land, limiting resources, economic exchange, and movement for those inside, becoming so restrictive that the Gaza Strip is often termed an 鈥�.鈥� All of this was framed, first and foremost, as a defensive measure. After where Israel rapidly defeated surrounding Arab armies and then began what has proven to be a permanent military occupation of the West Bank, the creation of 鈥渟ettlements鈥� was largely framed as the creation of defensive outposts to protect against another attack. As they expanded and entrenched , claims of protection continued, even as Palestinian homes were demolished, olive trees torn up, and administrative detentions proliferated. We had to keep Israelis safe, after all.

The Zionist vision of Jewish safety is not encased in the liberal democratic project; instead, it鈥檚 a European nationalist model for Jewish protection. Israel鈥檚 founding idea was then, at least in part, on demographic homogeneity surrounded by strong national borders, and ethnic cleansing was necessary to achieve this goal. This strategic notion was based, largely, on a reading of history that assumes antisemitism, particularly in its most genocidal form on display in Nazi Germany just a few years before Israel鈥檚 founding, is endemic to modern society and, unfortunately, inescapable. The only solution is to employ the same level of violence used against Jews to defend us鈥攍ike weapons against like threats.

If the story of Jewish history is laced with the fear of genocide, then the narrative of Jewish future is about the measures necessary to stop the next one. And if that threat is embedded into the very subconscious of gentiles, particularly those on the other side of the West Bank鈥檚 defensive wall, then perhaps the only thing to be done is to eradicate the threat before it eradicates us. Never again.

鈥淸Israelis] are committed to completely eliminating this evil from the world,鈥� Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu . 鈥淵ou must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember.鈥� Amalek is the Biblical enemy race whom G-d commands the Israelites to eradicate. There is no goodness to be found in them, and they must be plucked off the land before they spread their lethal wickedness. After Oct. 7, I heard the term Amalek show up in rabbinic sermons, Jewish articles, and from Christian Zionists, always eager to appropriate Torah.

By , two things are accomplished. First, those being occupied are positioned not just as enemies, but as inescapable and eternal ones, poisoned at the core and whose anger is, by definition, irrational and without merit. Second, they are diagnosed incurable, so the only treatment possible is eradication. As the bombs accelerated on Gaza, and October turned to November, Israel said it was excising Hamas, but flinched at any effort to separate Hamas from the Palestinian people as a whole.

Holocaust Remembrance Day should not be used as a political football, but as it sparks the horrified memories of what we鈥檝e lost, it would be negligent to deny the resonance of our past. There is no doubt that the Holocaust was an overwhelmingly Jewish tragedy, that its antisemitic contours are distinct and its role in Jewish memory unparalleled. We cannot, however, allow that to spark a fatal myopia. There is no reason to think that a genocide should naturally lend survivors some particular insight into the ethics of violence, to assume so continues to portray Jewish suffering as some kind of righteous pain by which society can find moral rectitude. But the reality is that more than 75 years later we can鈥檛 ignore the lessons that are so glaring that they indict our moral ineptitude today.

We have an opportunity to stop it this time, if we just act. More than this, we know exactly how demonization can eradicate the pleas of the suffering in the minds of many, how those at the end of a rifle can be intellectually Photoshopped to appear as though their finger was on the trigger.

So tonight when I light the yahrzeit candle and say the kaddish for those who disappeared, with names unspoken and graves unmarked, behind the gates of Birkenau, Treblinka, Sorbibor, and Majdanek, I鈥檒l think about what it means to stand as shomer around their memories, ensuring they remain a blessing. And I鈥檒l wonder about those who scrawled on the side of bunkhouse walls, promising that none of this, or anything kindred, would ever happen again. To anyone.

Shane Burley is a writer and filmmaker based in Portland, Oregon. He is the co-author of聽Safety Through Solidarity: A Radical Guide to Fighting Antisemitism聽(Melville House Books, 2024), and the author of聽Fascism Today: What It Is and How to End It聽(AK Press, 2017) and聽Why We Fight: Essays on Fascism, Resistance, and Surviving the Apocalypse聽(AK Press, 2021). Burley鈥檚 also the editor of聽No Pasar谩n: Antifascist Dispatches from a World in Crisis聽(AK Press, 2022). His work has been featured in聽NBC News,聽The Baffler,聽Al聽Jazeera,聽Jacobin,聽The Independent,聽Full Stop, Jewish Current,聽MSNBC, and聽The Daily Beast. He is a member of the News Guild, CWA Local 7901, the National Writer鈥檚 Union (UAW 1981), and the IWW. He speaks English.

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